In Islam also, a mosque is Allah's property, and the 
Waqf  Board  or  the mutwalli are  only  caretakers,  not 
owners.   But  in Islam, this principle  is  extended  to 
secular  matters also, like the state.  The  Caliph,  who 
according  to  Maulana Mohammed Ali was an  Emperor  and 
Pope  in one was merely the viceregent of the  Dar-ul-
Islam, with Allah as the lawful ruler.
   Organiser,  26/11/1989  ; also  included  in  Hindu 
Temples : What Happened to Them.
   "Arey  bhai,  Masjid hai hi  Kahaan  ?"  meant  for 
publication in Indian Express, but just then Shourie  was 
sacked  as  its editor.  The reason was not so  much  the 
article, but, apparently, his entire policy of  including 
columns by Hindu communalists like Ram Swarup and  Sita 
Ram Goel, and his own articles that debunked some of  the 
prevalent secularism, such as Hideaway Communalism.
  Published in Sunday Observer, 30/12/1990.
   For a real proof of the change in  the  atmosphere, 
this  is  what Chandra Shekhar said  in  Parliament,  two 
weeks after the Ayodhya slaughter :"I am a Hindu... I  am 
proud of being a Hindu... and because of tolerance to all 
other   religions,   I   consider   Hinduism   superior."  
(mentioned  in a interview with him in  Hindustan  Times, 
19/11/1990).    The  CPI  has  protested   against   this 
statement,  because  it implies that religions  are  not 
tolerant.  Well, exactly.
  Patriot, 11/1/1991.
  Interview on 17/11/1990.
  Pioneer, 10/11/1990.
   Reported  in Sunday, 11/11/1990.  We also  get  the 
view  of the Bangla Jammati Islami leader  Maulana  Abbas 
Ali Khan: "There is no scope for communal harmony."
  Northern India Patrika, 15/11/1990.  Ershad was also 
held up for praise by Blitz columnist P. Sainath.
  Pioneer, 23/11/1990.
  Column in Sunday Observer, 25/11/1990.
  Hindustan Times, 19/11/1990.
  Northern India Patrika, 15/11/1990.
  Sunday Observer, 25/11/1990.
  Times of India, 2/11/1990.
  Sunday Observer, 25/11/1990.
 Quoted in Indian Express, 21/9/1990.  And afterwards 
often  quoted  by  Hindus,  perhaps  too  often  for  his 
credibility among communally mobilized Muslims.
 Hindustan Times, 31/10/1990.
 Letter to the Pioneer, 28/11/1990.
 Letter to the Pioneer, 28/11/1990.
 Sunday Observer, 4/11/1990 ; emphasis mine.
  Letter to Indian  Express, 23/11/1990.  Since  this 
is  much to many Hindus' liking, some in  the  anti-Hindu 
camp might suspect that this letter was not written by  a 
real  Muslim : as if the phenomenon of  pro-Babri  Hindus 
cannot have its Muslim counterpart.  Nonetheless, about a 
letter of similar content by one R. Naqvi (IE 29/11) Syed 
Shahabuddin wrote back that he had contacted the  address 
mentioned  but saw his letter undelivered, and  concluded 
that  it  must  have been  a  psuedo-Naqvi.   Maybe  that 
similarly those anti-Hindu Hindus are really  pseudonmous 
Shahabuddins ?
 Letter to Indian Express, 9/11/1990.
  Letter to the Statesman, 12/11/1990, and to  Indian 
Express, 13/11/1990.
 Letter to the Hindustan Times, 6/11/90.
  Letter by K.N. Seth, who quotes him,  in  Hindustan 
Times, 26/11/1990.
  Communalism and Communal Violence in India  (Ajanta 
Publ., Delhi 1989), p.320.
 This was at a function in Himachal Bhavan,  presided 
over  by Girilal Jain, where two books were presented  to 
the public and the press : Hindu Temples : What  Happened 
to  Them,  by Arun Shourie and others;  and  the  present 
writer's  book Ram Janmabhoomi vs. babri Masjid,  a  Case 
Study in Hindu-Muslim Conflict.
 His two speeches, in Hindi, have been published as a 
booklet: Sri Rama Janma Mandir ke Navanirman ka  Prashna, 
by the Bharatiya Jan Sangh.
  The point that politicians should  not  marginalize 
the moderates within their own community by treating  the 
hardliners   as   its  true   representative,   is   made 
compellingly by Arun Shourie in his Religion in Politics, 
Roli Books, Delhi 1989 (1987).
  Especially  Sita Ram Goel : Perversion  of  India's 
Political Parlance, Voice of India, Delhi 1983.
 Indian Express, 13/12/1990.  Emphasis added.
 Sunday Observer, 4/11/1990, carried an article Diary 
of  a 'Kar sevak' : Journey to nowhere.  But it is  fake, 
it  is  written  by a reporter who at  best  put  on  the 
apparel of a Kar Sevak, but made absolutely no effort  to 
understand the mind of the people he had spied on.
  In its 10/12/1990 issue, even the  American  weekly 
Newsweek  took note of the unpalatably  streamlined  news 
mores  on Doordarshan, and explained why  Indian  viewers 
increasingly watch News videos made by private studios.
 Times of India, 14/11/1990.
  To mr. Sardesai's collaboration with  falsehood,  I 
prefer  this commentary by Amit Agarwal, in Times  India, 
4/11/1990:  "Governments, when they suppress  information 
in  this  manner, always say they do so in  the  national 
interest,  that  they soften things so that  riots  don't 
break out.  Well, Doordarshan news itself is a riot."
 Sunday, 2/12/1990.
 Times of India, 23/12/1989.
  But they have been learning. The text Evidence  for 
the  Ram Janmabhoomi Mandir, presented to the  government 
on December 23, was sent to all the press people and many 
others besides.
   For  another  example:  the  story  that   Indians 
understand   nothing  about  sex,  because,as   a   Dutch 
correspondent  wrote,"there is not even a Hindi word  for 
orgasm" (as in most languages before the sexologists took 
over).  Moreover,  women don't enjoy it, for  they  call 
love-making   kaam  karnaa,  i.e.do  work(as  if   this 
terminology is specific to woman; and here kaam comes not 
from   karma, work, but from kama , erotic enjoyment,  as 
in Kama Sutra).
   In  the  name  of`History',published   in   Indian 
Express,25/2/90.
 Indian  Express, 1/4/90.
 Ayodhya Dispute: Tool for Political Mobilization, in 
The Hindu, 1/11/90.
 op. cit., p.4.
 Indian Express, 25/2/1990.
  Yet, on the flap of the book, it is said :  "It  is 
not  only  violence  which must  be  condemned  but  also 
distortion of history and intellectual dishonesty."  What 
makes  A.A.  Engineer's  own  distorted  selection   more 
objectionable,   is   that  he  realizes   that   "coming 
generations  will  have  the  right  to  know  what   the 
controversy was about".
 Partha S. Ghosh ; Ram Temple Controversy : Time  for 
dispassionate Introspection, in the 17/11/90 issue.
  Communalism  and  the  Writing  of  Indian  History 
      (People's Publishing House, Delhi 1987 (1967), p.15.
 From Glimpses of World History, quoted in the words-
of-wisdom  section Thus said Nehru, in  National  Herald, 
9/11/90.
  Incidentally,  Hsuen  Tsang's  statement  that  his 
patron, king Harsha, worshipped both Buddha and the Hindu 
goods,  is  always  carefully kept  out  of  secularists' 
invocations of Hsuen Tsang's authority, as it is one more 
blow to the myth of Hindu-Buddhist struggle.
 In A.A. Engineer : op. cit., p.37-38.
  Indian  Express, 5/12/90, by prof.  Romila  Thapar, 
prof. S. Gopal and prof. K. N. Panikkar.
 Indian Express, 2/12/90.
 Reported in Indian Express, 6/12/90.
  Prof.  Lal  has re-summarized his  findings  in  an 
article  in Manthan, 10/90.  The JNU  historians's  reply 
statement in Indian Express, 5/12/90 also takes on  prof. 
Lal's statement.
  Reported  in Indian Express,  5/12/90,  which  also 
mentions  that mr. K.V. Soundarajan of the  ASI  confirms 
that the temple existed.
  Letter  to Indian Express,  15/12/1990.   The  same 
issue  contains  the  letters by  JNU  historians  Romila 
Thapar  and K.N. Panikkar, and by a JNU  sociologist,  R. 
Champakalakshmi,   who  go  on  hammering  on  the   non-
mentioning  of  the  pillar-bases in  the  first  report.  
Well,   thanks  to  Muhammed  K.K.'s   testimony,   their 
insinuation   that  these  pillar-bases  are   a   recent 
concoction, falls flat on its face.
 Indian Express, 18/12/1990.
  For some more high-handed overruling  of  evidence, 
and   medieval   reasoning  using  sheer   arguments   of 
authority, see the interview with prof. Romila Thapar  in 
Times of India, 9/12/90.  The line cited by her from  the 
first archaeological report, that the entire late period 
was  devoid  of any interest, in fact implies  that  the 
report  about  that  period would not  be  too  detailed, 
leaving   ample  room  for  so  far   unpublished   new 
revelations like that of the pillar-bases.
 Times of India, 6/12/90.
 On 7/12/90 also, Times of India gave to an  article, 
in which it was cursorily though only implicitly admitted 
that  there  must have been a pre-Babri building  on  the 
site,  the entirely misleading title No  pillar-bases  at 
Ayodhya ASI reports.  As dr. Gupta had already explained, 
the  detailed  report had not  been published  yet.   The 
article  amply  quotes  B.B. Lal but takes  care  not  to 
mention his most recent statement on the issue.  The same 
undeontological  invoking of prof. B.B.  Lal's  authority 
for  a theory just recently repudiated by himself  occurs 
in the Romila Thapar interview of 9/12/90.
  Prof.  Gupta wrote, in a letter published in  Times 
of  India on 13/12/1990 : "In a conversation with me,  he 
has completely dissociated himself from this."
  Emphasis  mine  ; date not given  but  quoted  with 
strong  approval in Sunday, 11/11/90.  The same thing  is 
said by S. Mulgaonkar, in India Express, 22/12/1990,  and 
by others.
   Blitz,  11/8/90.  On 25/9/1990, she filed  a  writ 
petition  in  Lucknow High Court  claiming  the  Buddhist 
origin of the Babri Masjid.
  Ambedkar's contemporary, M.N. Roy, was perhaps  the 
first to link the myth of Buddhist social revolution with 
the  myth of Islam as a liberation movement  welcomed  by 
the  Indian  masses, in his 1939 book Role  of  Islam  in 
History.
   Her claim has been conclusively laid to rest in  a 
reply  by S.D. Thirumala Rao, in Blitz,  17/11/90.   That 
she  nonetheless continues to take it very seriously,  is 
shown in her interview with Times of India, 11/12/1990.
  Mainstream, 17/11/90.  To the same effect, one  can 
quote  Harbans Mukhia in Communalism and the  Writing  of 
Indian History.
   A ruler who has been more reliably accused of  the 
killing  of  500 Buddhist monks by his  army  (which,  he 
pleaded, acted autonomously), was Ashok, the secularists' 
darling.  The affair is reported in the Vinaya Pitaka, in 
the  chronicle of the Buddhist Council, where  the  event 
was  discussed.   These monks refused  to  accompany  the 
soldiers  to  Ashok's  court, where the  king  wanted  to 
pronounce   judgment  on  a  dispute  within   the   monk 
community.   The monks contended that a king should  mind 
his  secular  business,  and were killed for  it  by  the 
soldiers  of  that one outstanding  communalist  in  pre-
Muslim India, Ashok.
   In  fact,  there  is no  real  evidence  of  fully 
Buddhist  rulers  in  Indian history  except  for  Ashok.  
Incidentally,  mr.  Ghosh forgets to ask  why  there  are 
absolutely no Hindu temples of that period left in all of 
North India.
  Title in Sunday Observer, 4/3/90.
  Indian Express, 25/2/90 and 1/4/90.
   To  my  knowledge, in  other  papers  than  Indian 
Express,  the  debate has been mentioned  once,  vaguely.  
Harsh  Sethi  writes in Sunday Observer, 18/11/90  :  "The 
well-known exchange between the JNU historians and  prof. 
A.R.   Khan  of  Himachal  Pradesh  University,   Shimla, 
reported  in  Indian Express earlier this year,  gives  a 
flavour  of  how  the best of our  historians  play  with 
evidence."
  Indian Express, 1/4/90.
  The Week, 3/2/1991.
   Communalism  and the Writing  of  Indian  History, 
p.15-16.
   Communalism  and the Writing  of  Indian  history, 
p.34.
   Communalism  and the Writing  of  Indian  History, 
p.30.
   Marrying a widow (or more often, taking  her  as 
concubine), in the war against the Infidels, often  meant 
effectively "killing the men and abducting the women".
  This Belgian king was righfully criticized for  his 
harsh colonial policies.  The example always given by his 
critics was that plantation workers who couldn't  deliver 
the  quota, had a hand chopped off.  Recent research  has 
shown that the largely autonomous officials who meted out 
this punishment, were Muslim Zanzibaris : they considered 
non-delivery  of  the  quota as theft,  and  applied  the 
Islamic punishment for theft, hand amputation.
  Muslim apologists here often say that slavery  just 
happened  to  be around in Pagan Arabia.  But  as  Maxime 
Rodinson,  the  French Leftist historian  sympathetic  to 
Mohammed's historic mission has pointed out, the tribal 
society  knew slavery only to a limited degree,  if  only 
because it was hard to guard slaves for small communities 
living in tents.  Only when Mohammed formed a real state, 
slavery could become a big institution.
   According to the experts for the VHP side  in  the 
evidence  debate,  on 24-25 January 1991,  it  was  prof. 
Sharma who demanded six extra weeks to study the evidence 
presented  by  the  VHP, thus making a  mockery  of  this 
debate.   From someone who had just completed a  book  on 
the matter and made several public statements, one  would 
have  expected  a fresh familiarity  with  the  evidence.  
Conversely, if he was so ignorant about the matter as  to 
need  six  more weeks, his statements should  be  weighed 
accordingly.
   Al-Hind  :  The Making of the  Indo-Islamic  World 
(Oxford University Press 1990), p.219-223.
  Indian Express, 18/9, 5/10 and 17/10/1990.
   Not that an isolated occasion of saying the  truth 
automatically  leads to the disappearance  of  falsehood.  
Dharampal's  famous  book The Beautiful  Tree  completely 
demolished  the   myth  that the Brahmins  kept  all  the 
education for their own caste, and that Shudras were kept 
in  darkness  and  illiteracy.  Yet, the  myth  is  still 
repeated,  and the book has only reinforced  the  Leftist 
rhetoric that the British (who destroyed this  indigenous 
education system) are to blame for everything.  It is not 
enough to unearth the truth, it also has to be broadcast, 
and  nobody  should  get away with  pretending  it  isn't 
there.
   If Buddha had wanted to reform society,  he  would 
have remained a prince in his palace, because the seat of 
power  is the best place from which to  organize  reform.  
The seat of power is the first target of people who  want 
to  re-create society, such as the Communists,   and   it  
was  the  first  thing  which  Buddha renounced.
 Indian Express, 9/12/90.
   A  week  after  issuing  their  new   rules   for 
journalists,  they  effectively  killed  the  Panjab  AIR 
director, R.K. Talib, apparently for hosting a talk about 
the  terrorist ultimatum.  Five of the separatist  groups 
issued a joint statement claiming responsibility for  the 
murder.   They  opened  up new horizons  in  cynicism  by 
declaring   that  they  had  nothing  against   the   man 
personally,  and that "the murder was  only  symbolical".  
Subsequently,  their  demand for more  Panjabi  and  less 
Hindi on the radio was obediently complied with.